Dar One

The Tanzanian Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism (MNRT) has recently announced that it is seeking to foster investments in the country’s hospitality industry to boost the tourism sector competitiveness among the main international destinations.

The announcement was done by MNRT Permanent Secretary,

The African Development Bank Group’s (AfDB) approved a Partial Credit Guarantee (PCG) of up to USD4m to Tanzania Mortgage Refinance Company (TMRC), on May 5th 2016.
The credit guarantee is aimed at supporting TMRC’s plan to raise long-term funding from the bond markets on the Dar es Salaam Stock Exchange (DSE).

The PCG will allow TMRC’s bond to meet minimum requirements for listing on the DSE.
TMRC will use the capital raised for on-lending to local banks for mortgage finance operations, thereby mobilize critical long-term funding required for the growth of Tanzania’s housing finance markets, and catalyzing the construction of affordable housing.

The intervention of AfDB will also have multiplier effects on industries related to the real estate sector and creation of jobs in the construction industry, the Bank explains.

It will also assist in developing the Tanzanian capital markets by increasing the number of listed corporate bonds in the local bond market as well as match assets and liabilities of the institution.
Stella Kilonzo, Division Chief, Financial Markets Division, of AfDB stated, “By extending this partial credit guarantee, the Bank adds on its existing initiatives to support the development of local currency financial markets on the continent and the private sector.
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Aming its priority objectives, the AfDB supports investments that contribute to the widening and deepening of financial markets in Africa, and enabling the private sector capacity to mobilize long-term funding from local financial markets.

The AfDB approved a concessional resource assistance package for Tanzania worth over USD1.1bn in 2016, for the 5 years period 2016-2020.

The package will support the country to achieve inclusive growth and macroeconomic stability through more effective public financial management (PFM) and conducive business environment.
TMRC is a financial institution co-founded by the Tanzanian Government and the World Bank to support mortgage lending in the country.

The majority of working class Tanzanians lack access to housing finance due to the absence of mortgages in the market, Oscar Mgaya, CEO of TMRC explains.
TMRC has the objective of supporting financial institutions to do mortgage lending by refinancing Primary Mortgage Lenders’ (PMLs’) mortgage portfolios.
TMRC refinances mortgage loan portfolios rather than individuals mortgage loans, and caters to banks rather than individual borrowers.

Solo Oil plc (AIM:SOLO) has received confirmation from the Tanzania Ministry of Energy and Minerals that they have no objection to the proposed deal to purchase up to a 13% interest in the Kiliwani North Development License (KNDL) for USD 7 million from the Aminex plc subsidiary Ndovu Resources Ltd.

According to the Chairman and Director for Solo Oil Plc, Neil Ritson, the company is eager to move forward with the sale agreement.

“The final step in the process of receiving approvals to our acquisition of an interest in the soon to be producing Kilwani North development has now been received and we look forward to signature of the gas sales agreement and to the start-up of the production in 2015,” he said in a released statement.
The parties signed a binding agreement last month and have agreed to extend the deadline on the purchase of the initial and additional 6.5% to January 30, 2015 to account for the longer than anticipated time that was required to obtain the no objection notification.

Completion of initial sale is still subject to a formal Deed of Assignment to be signed by all participating parties which, upon completion and if Solo chooses to take its full 13% entitlement, will make the KNDL joint venture partners Ndovu Resources Ltd. (Aminex) 52% (operator), RAK Gas 25%, Bounty Oil 10% and Solo 13%.

The East Africa-focused independent oil & gas company Wentworth Resources (AIM: WRL), has just announced its results for the quarter ended 31 March 2016.
The Q1 2016 Financial Statements show that Mnazi Bay gas wells are performing exceptionally well and are capable of delivering volumes in excess of current production.
The achieved average gross daily gas production was 48 MMscf/d for the first quarter and reached 65 MMscf/d on 31 March.
Geoff Bury, Managing Director, commented: “The newly built and previously existing power generation facilities which utilize the Company’s natural gas have all been tested and fully commissioned and refurbished where necessary. Over the coming months, production is expected to stabilize between 70-80 MMscf/d and maintain this level for the remainder of 2016. We continue to build cash reserves from internally generated cash flows and strengthen our balance sheet while looking for strategic opportunities to further enhance shareholder value.”Wentworth’s two principal assets are the Mnazi Bay Concession in Tanzania and the Rovuma Onshore Block in Mozambique where the company holds participation interests of 31.94% and 11.59% respectively.
In Tanzania, the company’s first gas delivery to the new government owned Mtwara to Dar es Salaam natural gas pipeline commenced on 20 August 2015.

The President of Tanzania, Dr. John Magufuli, has appointed Dr. Asha-Rose Migiro (Songea, 9 July 1956) as Ambassador of Tanzania in the UK.
Dr. Migiro replaces former Ambassador Peter Allan Kallaghe, who has returned home.
Migiro served as Minister of Community Development, Women and Children form 2000 to 2005 under President Mkapa’s administration.
She then briefly served as Minister of Foreign Affairs in 2006-2007 under President Kiwete, before being appointed Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations.
She held that position from 2007 to 2012 when she was appointed United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for HIV/AIDS in Africa.
From 2013 to 2015, she has been a member of the Tanzanian parliament (no constituency), and she was Minister of Justice and Constitution Affairs from 2014 to the end of President Kiketwe’s mandate in November, 2015.
Before entering politics, she was a senior lecturer at the Faculty of Law at the University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM), where she headed the Department of Constitution and Administrative Law from 1992 to 1994 and the Department of Civil and Criminal Law from 1994 to 1997.
She obtained her LL.B and LL.M from the University of Dar es Salaam and her PhD in 1992 from the University of Konstanz in Germany.
Speaking after her inauguration ceremony held at the State House on 5th May 2016, Dr. Migiro has pledged to further strengthen relationship between Tanzania and the United Kingdom, particularly in relation to investment, trade and tourism.

The UK is the largest foreign investor in Tanzania with 36% market share, followed by America and China.
British Foreign investments in Tanzania are spread out across multiple sectors, such as mining, manufacturing and agriculture.
Tanzania-UK total trade value was GBP143.4m in 2015, and exports from the UK to Tanzania reached GBP120.3m while imports to the UK from Tanzania totaled GBP23.1m.
The United Kingdom was also the second largest source of international visitors to Tanzania from overseas countries in 2014 with 60,034 arrivals.
However, there has been no direct flight between the two countries since 2013 when British Airways, which used to operate London-Dar es Salaam flights, suspended the route due to lack of profitability.
Tanzania is signatory of double taxation agreements with Kenya, Uganda, Italy,
Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland, India and Zambia, but not with the UK.
However, foreign income tax paid by a Tanzanian resident person may be credited against the income tax payable in Tanzania calculated on worldwide income if there is no existing double-taxation agreement between Tanzania and that foreign country.

The Minister of Industry and Trade of Russian, Mr. Denis Manturov, has said that Tanzania could serve as a springboard for Russia’s expansion into the vast East African market.

The announcement was made during the Russian-African Forum 2016 (RAF-2016) that was held at Julius Nyerere International Convention Centre (JNICC) in Dar es Salaam, on April 27–28 2016.

The forum gathered a large group of Russian government representatives, industrialists and business tycoons, led by Mansurov, who came to Tanzania to increase their presence on the East African market and to explore the existing potential for social and economic cooperation in areas such as agriculture, mining, oil and gas, tourism, economic infrastructure, manufacturing, fisheries, banking and insurance, as well as education and health.
Speaking during a media briefing, Mr. Adolf Mkenda, Permanent Secretary (Trade and Investment) of the Ministry of Trade and Industry of Tanzania, said that for many years, Tanzania and Russia have been teaming up mainly on issues pertaining to politics, but now the objective is to work on economic issues and to welcome Russian investors.

Russian investors are already active in Tanzania. According to the Tanzania Investment Centre (TIC), Russia has invested significantly in the country, with 48 projects worth USD45.23m since 1990, employing 3,342.
Uranium One Inc., one of the world’s largest uranium producers, which is owned by ROSATOM State Atomic Energy Corporation, operates the Mkuju River Project, a uranium development project located in southern Tanzania, about 470 km southwest of Dar es Salaam.

The Mkuju River project is owned by Mantra Tanzania Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Mantra Resources, an Australian corporation in which Uranium One has a minority interest.
Current activity at the Mkuju River Project is focused on licensing and permitting.

During the forum, Minister Mansurov announced that uranium extraction at the mine was planned to start in 2018, and discussed with the Vice President of Tanzania the construction of a nuclear reactor for scientific research in Tanzania, including for medical purposes.

Mansurov also mentioned that industrial groups, Russian Helicopters, United Aircraft Corporation (UAC) and United Wagon Company (UWC), were also looking to work on industrial projects in Tanzania.
During the forum, Russian aircraft manufacturer, Irkut Corporation, signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Air Tanzania Company Limited (ATCL) for a possible supply of MS-21 to aircrafts.

Meanwhile, the Tanzanian Ambassador to Russia, Lieutenant General (rtd) Wyjones Kisamba, explained that Russia’s production of agricultural crops has been hampered by months of snow.
As a result, Russian producers cannot meet demand, hence creating export opportunities for Tanzanian horticulture, fruit and vegetables produces.

Russia–Tanzania relations started with the signing of diplomatic missions in 1961. Russia has an embassy in Dar es Salaam, and Tanzania has an embassy in Moscow.

In all the arguments over the EU and Britain’s continued membership, most centre around the self interest element of membership. And of course, it is right in many ways that it does so, each has a responsibility to his own – his family, his neighbour, his fellow countryman. But although the arguments about the interest of the British people receive much coverage, the wider effects of the European Union have received little attention. There is a moral dimension to the way that the developed world, and especially the EU, makes policy in respect to its links with the developing world.
In the 1970’s, and agreement was reached with a number of African countries which created a fairly laudable system of preferential sectoral access agreements, tariff free import quotas for the signatory nations and access to aid via the European development fund. The Lomé Convention began with a number of countries which had previously been colonies of the European powers, which had previously based trade on links to the old world. It increased to encompass 71 African and Caribbean countries by the time of its last renegotiation in 1989 (Lomé IV). The ulterior motive though was clear – this gave EEC nations guaranteed access to raw materials and agricultural products, which helped to maintain price stability. Bu the moral aspect of it should not be underestimated. The sense of responsibility to former colonial possessions was still fresh in the mind of the former world powers, Britain foremost among them.
However, the development of the Single Market and the WTO made the further renewal of Lomé impossible – the rules had changed. Most Favoured Nation and the common rules of the Single market made it mostly unlawful to discriminate between producers based on status. This was a fact brought home by the USA, which petitioned the WTO for a decision on the legality of Lomé in an attempt to bring the agreement to an end.
The answer to this decision has been for the EU and its ACP (Africa, Caribbean and Pacific) partners to reach a new agreement, the Cotonou Agreement. This has brought a new era of Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), which unlike the old agreements under Lomé are ‘Reciprocal’ trade agreements where the African nations also provide duty free access to their domestic markets for EU producers. Most of the EPAs have delays of liberalisation for protected sectors of their markets, some lasting up to 15 years, but with the first agreements starting in 2008, the end of these restrictions is now in sight. Also, for those sectors without derogations, direct competition with European producers has been hard to swallow.
The added dimension here is that where the WTO allowed allowed non reciprocal trade agreement rules for developing nations, this expired in 2007. So when a developing nation enters reduced tariff agreement with the EU, it must thereby offer the same terms to its other trading partners, potentially seeing its domestic market destroyed by flooding of cheap imports. Then the other issue is that much of these nations income derive from Duties on imported goods. As these are reduced, state income drops and so the ability to be able to develop infrastructure that would raise competitiveness falters. The exemptions to this are made by the Generalised System of Preferences. This is a form of exemption from Most Favoured Nation status which allows some tariffs applied against developed nations to remain applicable in the least developed nations. This system has been criticised for being restrictive, and not applying to sectors where the least developed nations would benefit most (e.g., simple manufactured goods, leather, glass etc.). The USA for example, has exempted many sectors from the GSP it has entered into to protect its own economy from cheaper competition.
The result of all this is that many EPA’s remain uncompleted. They would simply not be in the interests of many of the ACP nations, the risks are too high. Many of those which are completed have had mixed results.
So the situation remains that tariffs into the EU remain stubbornly high for many of the developing World’s farmers and producers of simple manufactured goods. The EU also has the added dead weight of the Common Agricultural Policy, which subsidises EU farmers and therefore creates a further hurdle to competition. Although recent reforms of the CAP have reduced overproduction and dumping in the third world, this along with tariff barriers, makes it very hard for ACP nations farmers especially to compete in European markets.
The final piece of the jigsaw is the Non Tariff Barriers. This is especially a problem for farmers in the ACP nations. Quite properly, the developed nations set high standards for their own goods in terms of the Phytosanitary conditions for food and food related products. This then creates hurdle to climb for developing nations, both in the ability to conform to standards (which can be expensive) and in the ability to prove compliance. There is still a suspicion though, that some developed nations use local rules and inspection regimes to reject goods from their domestic markets.
So how does this inform our discussion on whether to leave the European Union?
In some respects it doesn’t. Either with or without Brexit these situations will continue to exist. We will enter into a trade deal (possibly EEA, possibly something different), but the EU will be unlikely to allow Britain to be used as conduit for developing nations to challenge its home markets in ways it currently does not allow.
This will probably restrict how much we can change our own relationship with the developing world. Because we have to compete with the EU, we will not be able to unilaterally remove farming subsidies. Any trade deals with ACP nations will be probably subject then to many the same problems that the current EU built ones face.
This is because the ‘Developed World’ makes the rules, especially at the WTO – the USA’s challenge to the Lomé Convention has partly set the current chain of events in motion. Britain I would hope, will at least give voice to the concern of many of the developing nations as an independent participant and help to improve the future for the developing world.
The context in which I discuss this today is Non EU Immigration. The above issues paint a simple picture of a world divided into Rich and Poor. That’s not an entirely accurate picture, the shades of grey are numerous. But put yourself in the position of a poor African farmer, your opportunities are limited because your nation cannot help you export to the EU by opening up its own markets, (as MFN would remove state income and potentially decimate other sectors). The CAP makes your product seem less competitive in EU markets anyway, and because other sectors are not developing well your country is not getting richer, your ability to realise more profit from your domestic market is not improving.
What are you going to do to better your children’s lives? The answer is simple – you leave and head north to the developed world. And this is where the EU comes in because it’s attempts at stopping this migration have not, and will not work. The real answer is not to build fences, but to help create thriving economies in the developing world thereby encouraging people to thrive where they are. But protectionism at home both in the EU and especially in the USA, slows that process. The WTO rules, purported to increase developing world wealth, have been too often counter productive. (It would also be helpful for the West not to enter into disastrous foreign policy adventures which add to displacement, but that’s another topic altogether)
In the same way, EU nationals have moved to Britain because it is doing well economically (compared to their countries of origin) and has developed markets which require labour. Had we started by actually helping to develop those countries economically first before allowing freedom of movement, then it is arguable that we would have seen less migration overall. But finance ministers in the UK and Western Europe mostly looked to the GDP figures and the next election. Every migrant worker was another working wage, another item produced, more cash flow on one side of the balance sheet.
We cannot turn back the clock, and this is why immigration (and controlling our borders) should not really be the central focus of the debate on our EU membership. We can hope to mitigate it now, but we cannot undo the errors of the past by putting up fences. That does not mean that current EU immigration is sustainable or that we shouldn’t be more discerning in choosing who we allow to settle permanently. But we have set ourselves on an economic path that requires constant workforce growth to pay for the rising liabilities promised to citizens who have never truly been able to pay into the system what they will receive from it. Government has chosen this route, an ever increasing workforce, to keep the money tree growing.
If we had not been in the EU, then the only difference would probably have been the places the new workforce had come from. Rwanda would have replaced Romania on the posters of protest, Pakistan in place of Poland.
The changes must start at home. Outside of the EU I would hope that a return of domestic democracy will see the real issues begin to be debated and faced with some intellectual rigour and honesty.

The President of the United Republic of Tanzania, Dr. John Beer Magufuli has received yesterday the credentials of Mr. Carlos Alfonso Iglesias Puente, Ambassador of Brazil to the country, replacing former Ambassador Francisco Carlos Soares Luz.
Mr. Puente has mentioned that Brazil is ready to further strengthen its relationship and cooperation with Tanzania, particular in the areas of cotton and sugarcane production.
For his part, President Magufuli has assured Ambassador Puente that his government is ready to further strengthen cooperation with Brazil, to promote trade and investment and create a more stable relationship.
After being consistently on the rise from 2000 to 2012, the year in which bilateral trade reached its peak at USD 67.1 million, commerce between Brazil and Tanzania fell dramatically the following year to USD 24.2 million. From January to July 2014, total trade reached USD 11.7 million.
President Magufuli also received the credentials of Mr. Pavel Rezac, Ambassador of the Czech Republic to Tanzania and of Mr. Mariano Deng Ngor, Ambassador of South Sudan.
President Magufuli had invited the Czech Republic to join Tanzania in its efforts to develop agriculture and generate electricity, using gas, while explained that Tanzania will continue to strengthen the relationship and cooperation with South Sudan.

The Health Ministry revealed yesterday that its proposed development budget is Sh320bn, up from Sh66bn in the last finanacial year. The ministry will also reduce the recurrrent expenditure from Sh332.6bn previously to Sh278.6bn when its moves its budget plan in Dodoma later in the month or in May.
The revelation means allocation, especially for the development vote will increase fourfold. The Minister for Health Ms Ummy Mwalimu, told The Citizen that a big chunk of the development budget(some Sh251.5 billion) would be directed to purchasing medicines and medical supplies.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has recently selected Tanzania as a priority country to develop trade, investment and cooperation in the African continent.

Through a message delivered to Tanzania’s President John Magufuli by the Saudi Minister of Foreign Affairs, H.E. Adel Al Jubeir, the King of Saudi Arabia, Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, explained his plans to strengthen cooperation  between the Kingdom and Africa by raising not only trade but also investments and development projects in Tanzania.

In a salute to congratulate President Magufuli for being elected to lead the fifth phase of government in Tanzania, King Salman said Saudi Arabia is committed to further promote bilateral ties with tanzania to bring greater benefits to its citizens.

For his part, President Magufuli thanked King Salman and the Saudi government for considering Tanzania as a priority country on their trade and investment expansion plan in Africa, while discussing with Minister Al Jubeir areas of further cooperations, such as education tourism and infrastructure.

Saudi Arabia is the third most important destination of exports from Tanzania to the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) totaling USD 20.7 million or 15.37% of the total exported with United Arab Emirates (UAE) toping the Arab block totaling USD 84.6 million or 62.8% of the total according to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT).

Tanzania have been suspend partnershio with MMc

Reports yesterday revealed the mining giant has signed an agreement with Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA) to start paying an estimated $20m (over Sh40bn) in corporate tax every year.


Reports yesterday revealed the mining giant has signed an agreement with Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA) to start paying an estimated $20m (over Sh40bn) in corporate tax every year.

The Acacia-TRA agreement was revealed last evening through StockMarketWire.com. There was no indication of when the deal was signed, even though talks have been ongoing behind the scene to finally have the largest mining conglomerate agree to push forward the maturity date for the tax.

The new measure takes effect this year, with the agreement spreading the Acacia payments in sums of $5m (over Sh10bn) each quarter of the financial year. However, according to the agreement that apparently brings forward the maturity date by three years, Acacia will not immediately pay the money, offsetting it instead with a $80m (over Sh160bn) Value Added Tax (VAT) claim against the government. The company owns North Mara, Buzwagi and Bulyanhulu mines. This week, the spokesperson for the ministry of Energy and Minerals, Ms Badra Masoud, revealed that Tuwaka Gold Mine this month paid Sh40 billion ($18.7 million) to offset its outstanding corporate tax dues as more companies lined up to pay their dues.

Despite repeated complaints over non-payment of corporate tax by the seven major gold companies in the country, only Geita Gold Mine (GGM) has been paying corporate tax since 2009. A report by the Tanzania Mineral Audit Authority (TMAA) says that in 2014 Geita paid $43.8 million (Sh97.74 billion).

Tanzania’s Mining Act 2010 changed aspects of taxation, particularly mode of payment of royalty, but mining firms continued to be governed by respective agreements signed before the Act came into force, and which shielded them from corporate tax. Golden Pride Mine, owned by Resolute Mining Tanzania, the first major gold mine in Tanzania, was closed in 2014 after a mine life of 17 years but never paid corporate tax, the TMAA report indicates.

President John Magufuli’s new government is pulling no stops to raise revenue to operate and boost a near bankrupt Treasury.

Barrick agreement

According to tockMarketWire.com, Acacia (Barrick) said the agreement with TRA is the culmination of a process undertaken with the objective of further demonstrating its commitment to Tanzania and reinforcing its relationship with all of its stakeholders.

It reported that the taxable income generated over the three years brought forward would in the first instance be offset by around $80 million, which under the 2011 VAT Memorandum of Settlement ( VAT MOS ) was treated as a prepayment of corporate tax against any of Acacia s operating entities. The VAT MOS amounts will be partially deferred but will still be recovered. For 2016, the targeted amount to be prepaid as corporate tax is approximately $20 million, and that is expected to serve as a basis for the amounts to be agreed and prepaid in future years, until such time as all prepayments and VAT MOS amounts are recovered by Acacia and corporate tax declared becomes fully payable.

The MOU provides for a quarterly payment of tax, this amount being USD5 million per quarter in 2016, the first of which has been made.

Acacia CEO Brad Gordon said: “We proactively initiated discussions with the TRA in 2015 as we believe that our business is of a scale and maturity that it should be paying a fair level of corporate taxes as part of our contribution to the Tanzanian economy. We believe this agreement is mutually beneficial for all parties as we receive greater certainty over future VAT receipts and Tanzania sees an earlier corporate tax contribution from Acacia than previously envisaged. In 2015, our net tax contribution was $109 million (Over Sh218bn) and this agreement will significantly enhance our overall contribution, whilst further strengthening our relationships within Tanzania.”

Dar es Salaam. Since 2000, a dozen of African leaders, who have successfully attempted to bypass term limits, include Paul Biya of Cameroon, Idris Deby of Chad, and Ismail Guelleh of Djibouti.
 The last successful circumvention of term limits was in Djibouti in 2010. Other 10 countries, including Burundi, have term limit provisions written into their constitutions, though they have yet to be implemented.
 Norms around term limits have been gaining momentum lately with Afrobarometer polls showing 75 per cent of African respondents favour two-term limits for their heads of state.
 But even when African leaders lose elections, it is uncertain if they will hand over power. After being defeated in Côte d’Ivoire’s presidential election in December 2010, for instance, the then incumbent strong man, Mr Laurent Gbagbo, rejected the outcome.
 Instead, he launched attacks against supporters of his political opponent Alassane Ouattara, plunging the country into a six-month civil war that claimed over 3,000 lives and saw Gbagbo himself arrested and extradited to the International Criminal Court.
 After losing the first round of presidential elections in Zimbabwe in 2008, President Robert Mugabe mounted a nationwide campaign of violence against his political opponents, causing the leading candidate, Mr Morgan Tsvangirai, to withdraw from the second round. Mugabe is now in his 35th year as Zimbabwe’s Head of State. In addition to the detrimental impact these extended tenures have on building democratic institutions, experience has it that countries with leaders who have been in power for over a decade tend to have high levels of corruption and poor economic performance.
 A key building block in the push for democracy in Africa has been the adoption of term limits. Establishing this precedent is crucial, given the continent’s legacy of ‘strong man’s’ politics - - the cult of personality surrounding many African leaders that supersedes the rule of law and efforts to establish checks balances on power.
 Once entrenched in office, many African leaders control the levers of power that they are very hard to dislodge. Thanks to reformists’ efforts, now 20 out of Africa’s 54 countries limit presidents to serve for only two terms. Tanzania is worth emulating.
 The struggle to limit Nkurunziza to two terms in Burundi, consequently, has broader significance to Africa’s efforts to create legal parameters for their heads of state. African leaders contemplating extending their terms are watching Burundi closely.
 Even the recent Ban Ki-Moon’s visit to Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo do not portend anything good, as Nkurunzinza is rather seen as jostling to show the way rather than bend for his remorse.
 Indeed, the list of African presidents bending constitutions to their own purposes is boundless. Having been in power for 31 years, Dennis Sassou N’Guesso’s referendum to allow him to serve a third term as president of Congo was widely expected.
 Sam Nujoma amended Namibia’s Constitution in 1999 to give him a third term as president before he finally ceded power in 2004. Zambia’s Frederick Chiluba and Malawi’s Bakili Muluzi, however, failed to achieve the same amid domestic criticism.
 There was also speculation that former South African President Thabo Mbeki aspired to a third term when he unsuccessfully extended his presidency in the ruling African National Congress.
 In January, tentative attempts to overturn the term limit in DRC were met with riots with international non-governmental organisations urging President Joseph Kabila to assure the public he would step down next year.
 His vast mineral-rich country has endured the worst conflict since the Second World War which saw 5.4 million people killed since 1998. Mr Kabila’s peaceful relinquishing of power is deemed essential in preventing another upsurge of violence and ensuring economic development.
 The IMF forecasts that the DRC will have one of the fastest-growing economies in the world this year, rising at 10.5 per cent rate -- mainly driven by mining, which makes up 15 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product.
 And in November 2014, Blaise Compaore was forced to resign after an uproar greeted his plans to extend his 27-year rule in Burkina Faso.
 Paul Kagame has effectively ruled Rwanda since the 1994 Genocide which saw 800,000 people massacred in 100 days. He was initially Vice President before he became a de facto ruler only to be elected President in 2000.
 The 57-year-old man has served two seven-year terms stipulated in the Constitution, but remained worryingly ambiguous about his intentions ahead of the 2017 General Election until Parliament changed the supreme law to allow him to run again.
 Opposition leaders are currently attempting to appeal against the vote in Supreme Court, but are still struggling to find a lawyer to represent them. “I belong to the group that doesn’t support change of the Constitution,” Mr Kagame said in April, 2015, adding: “But in a democratic society, debates are allowed and they are healthy. I’m open to going or not going depending on the interest and future of this country.”
 Yoweri Museveni of Uganda set the precedent for the current crop of rulers. Shortly after taking power in 1986 he wrote: “the problem of Africa in general, and Uganda in particular, is not the people, but leaders who want to overstay in power.”
 In an infamous U-turn in 2005, he secured a change to the Constitution, allowing him a third term. He is now, at the age of 71, serving his fifth presidential term.
 In 2016, after a tense campaign and a jumbled election, President Museveni rolled to a disputed re-election, winning a fifth chance to repair the nation’s economy and fulfill the promises of hope and a fundamental change he made 30 years ago.
 Although Mr Museveni won a clear victory, his popular vote margin in several battleground districts was very thin and results from 1,787 polling stations were left out because of the 48-hour- deadline.
 But Kizza Besigye’s party -- the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) -- rejected the results and demanded an independent audit of the elections. Mr Besigye has been under house arrest, with no one allowed in or out to see him.
 EU observers have also criticised the polls, saying the governing party had created an “intimidating atmosphere” and that the Opposition had alleged vote rigging.
 While praising the “remarkable determination” of Ugandans to vote, EU Chief Observer Eduard Kukan said the governing National Resistance Movement “domination of the political landscape distorted the fairness of the campaign.” The election has been marred by sporadic violence and opposition allegations of electoral fraud with social media sites and messaging apps blocked on the Election Day. But the question is why does the international community end up blaming election irregularities without taking action?
 Is Museveni above the international laws or should we wait for the sham to get out of hand? Why “repressive” leaders like Gadhafi were punished without well-defined schedules?
 On a lighter note, the African Union (AU) adopted the Africa Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance in 2004, setting out Africa’s commitment to strengthening democracy on the continent.
 Some 38 countries, including Burundi, have ratified the charter.
 To uphold these principles, the AU needs to take an assertive stand, publicly and privately, when democratic processes are violated.
 Failure to do so opens the door to a series of other extra-constitutional challenges to democratic norms across the continent.
 Western actors can reinforce the efforts by African reformers by instituting visa bans and freezing asset on African politicians who are deemed to be subverting the democratic process. Aid should be suspended especially when the funds bolster the wayward government.
 International actors also have a role to play in protecting independent media and civil society which are frequently a prime target of regimes wishing to extend their grip of power.
 Any semblance of political dialogue and accountability requires independent voices. There cannot be genuine debates or legitimate elections, not to mention oversight or accountability, without a free press.
 Ultimately, democracy is something that must be earned Africa. Burundi’s civil society has been resilient in trying to sustain the gains toward a multi-ethnic democratic system made over the past decade.
 Tolerating unconstitutional extensions of power, on the other hand, rewards Africa’s bullies who are unwilling to play by the rules. This, in turn, only invites further political violence.
 If Africa can institutionalise respect for term limits, politics on the continent will enter a new era of predictability, with far-reaching implications for the rule of law and stability. God bless Africa!!

Rosemary Odinga gave a misleading information at the International Young Leaders Assembly (IYLA ) held in august 18,2015. She stated that the Olduvai Gorge (a place where the skull of the earliest man was found) is in Kenya. It is very well known as a matter of fact that this Paleonthropological site is indeed in Tanzania and not Kenya. As Tanzanians, we can not sit and let this go, as it has been a tradition for Kenyans to give misleading information of similar cases about our natural resources, for example: The Mount Kilimanjaro. If we let this pattern of behaviour continue, our nation's great history, pride and glory will be forgotten and will be credited to other people who have absolutely no part in it. So lets stand together and make it happen so that Ms.odinga apologises to Tanzanians and make it very clear that the Olduvai Gorge is found in Tanzania and not Kenya as she falsely claimed.